DSA National Convention

Nov. 9-11, 2001

Constitutional Amendments

Amendment Decreasing the Size of the National Political Committee

Article VIII, Section 2 was amended by substituting the following language:

The members of the NPC shall be one representative of the Youth Section and 16 delegates elected at the national convention. Of the elected members, at least eight shall be women and at least six shall be racial or national minority members of DSA.

Amendment Allowing Election of National Chair or Co-Chairs

Article VI: Officers and Staff was amended by adding the following section:

Section 6. A National Chair or two National Co-Chairs may be elected by the National Convention to serve for two-year terms or until a successor is elected. The term shall begin at the close of the National Convention at which they are elected. To be nominated or to be elected, a candidate for National Chair or Co-Chair must be a member in good standing of DSA for at least one year prior to the National Convention where the election takes place. The National Chair(s) shall be the primary spokesperson(s) for the organization, reporting directly to the National Political Committee. Following the National Convention where this Section is adopted or if the position of National Chair or Co-Chair becomes vacant between conventions, a National Chair or Co-Chairs may be selected by a 2/3 vote of the National Political Committee.

Bylaw Amendments

Amendment on Procedures for Nominations of National Chairs

Article VII. Officers was amended by adding the following section and making the original language Section 2: Section 1. The National Political Committee may nominate candidates for National Chair or National Co-Chair. Candidates may also be nominated by petition of at least three locals.

Written notice of nominations for National Chair or National Co-Chairs must get to the membership at least one month prior to the National Convention where the election takes place.

Political Resolutions

Terrorism and the War in Afghanistan

DSA unequivocally opposes the mass murders of September 11, and supports bringing those responsible for those crimes to justice.

DSA recognizes the right and the responsibility of the US government, in defense of its people, to take appropriate steps to ensure that future September 11s do not occur. Those steps would include:

a. diplomatic initiatives;

b. technical improvements in domestic security;

c. measures designed to eliminate the international arms trade;

d. the regulation of international and domestic financial transactions;

e. the limited and directed use of multilateral armed force.

DSA calls for a halt to the bombing and for the immediate delivery of sufficient food and other supplies to prevent a famine in Afghanistan.

DSA opposes restrictions on civil liberties and immigration in the name of fighting terrorism and opposes racist scapegoating of Arab Americans and Muslim Americans, and all other racist scapegoating. DSA opposes “war profiteering” in which working people bear the brunt of the sacrifices in the campaign against the Taliban and Al Qaeda, while corporations make super-profits and receive government subsidies.

Resolution on Proportional Representation

Whereas, the strengthening of democracy in the United States is central to the mission of DSA, and
Whereas, voting is an essential element of modern democracy, and
Whereas, nearly all elections in the US are based on the winner-take-all principle, and
Whereas, 36 of 39 democracies in the world use some form of proportional representation in their elections, and
Whereas, alternative methods of elections to winner-take-all have the potential to increase voter turnout and more racially and ideologically diverse constituencies, and
Whereas, proportional representation increases the number of women in office, and
Whereas, proportional representation makes it difficult to gerrymander election districts in order to manipulate election outcomes, and
Whereas, democracy is supposed to be government by all the people, not just a plurality or majority of them, and
Whereas, proportional representation is based on the principle that any group of like-minded voters should win legislative seats in proportion to its share of the popular vote, and
Whereas, only three of our nearly 8,000 state and congressional legislators were elected on a minor party ticket, and
Whereas, the winner-take-all system props up the two-party monopoly, and
Whereas, proportional representation can be adopted for elections at any level with multi-seat districts, including school boards, city councils, state legislatures, and Congress, and Whereas, other current efforts to reform elections, such as the National Commission on Federal Election Reform, have limited their scope to issues such as voter registration, absentee voting, election equipment, and the like, and Whereas, single member congressional districts are not required by the Constitution and weren’t required by statute till the 1840s, and Whereas, proportional representation is currently used in some cities and counties and can be used in others and in states with a change in applicable laws, either by voter initiative or referendum or act of the state legislature, and Whereas, in any race with more than two candidates, plurality voting may elect the candidate least acceptable to the majority of voters,

Now, therefore, be it resolved that, the 2001 Convention of the Democratic Socialists of America instruct its officers, staff, and commissions and locals to examine and promote alternative systems to winner-take-all and plurality voting in federal, state, and local elections, and,

Be it further resolved, that DSA consider a variety of alternatives, including approval voting, choice voting, cumulative voting, instant runoff voting, and others, and

Be it further resolved, that DSA collaborate with the Center for Voting and Democracy, the Committee for the Study of the American Electorate, the Green Party, the New Party, and other organizations with an interest in strengthening democracy.

Organizational Resolutions

National Priorities Resolution

Introduction

We meet in Philadelphia at a time of national crisis. The great economic expansion of the last decade, an expansion that primarily benefited the well off, is over. The economic recession will increase already morally unacceptable levels of inequality by worsening the conditions of low-wage workers and threatening the living standards of the middle class.

Americans have been subject to terrorist attacks and are deeply concerned about the security of their families and loved ones. A war on terrorism has been launched with the promise of effective action to curtail international terrorism. An aerial campaign against the Taliban has been initiated and ground troops have been introduced in Afghanistan. The administration has promised a long campaign with many theaters of operation.

We must acknowledge that our capacity to respond to this crisis is limited by the organizational constraints within which we operate. All our actions must be taken with the aim of ending the marginal position of the left in American political life and to restoring a socialist presence within mainstream politics.

Acknowledging the circumstances we face is the first step towards changing them. This process began at our last convention and was continued at the Future Search Retreat held this summer that fairly stated an organizational consensus on building DSA and its capacity. The crisis that began with the September 11th attacks changes the political ground, but not our goals. What all DSAers agree upon is that military action that leaves in place an international economy that promotes poverty and inequality throughout the world cannot prevent the growth of extremist groups.

Our Priorities

For most of our history our main focus has been on domestic politics and the inequalities endemic in our society. That shall remain our main focus.

We shall concentrate most of our resources on issues and campaigns related to injustices faced by low-wage workers in America. We shall support campaigns to raise the minimum wage and to legislate a “living wage.” We shall continue our support of union organizing efforts and support measures in the upcoming legislative fight around renewing “welfare reform” that will aid the poor and not punish them. We will continue our work to defend Medicare and Social Security. And we will engage in visible, public activity aimed at educating the American public about the systematic inequalities of our economy. This campaign will be begin with a conference highlighting the 40th Anniversary of the publication of The Other America and the plight of the working poor poignantly depicted in Barbara Ehrenreich’s Nickel and Dimed. But this campaign will be much more than a Washington event. We will take our message to local communities in events and activist campaigns organized over the next two years. Recognizing our organizational limitations, we will focus our resources, in the near term, on enhancing our capacity for political education and analysis through forums, speaker tours, retreats, think-tanks and publications, passing out literature, talking to young people on campuses, and talking to people in other public situations.

The forces opposed to the manner in which the Bush Administration has carried out “the war on terrorism” are weak, confined to the campuses and existing left organizations, and isolated from even the mainstream left in the trade unions, communities of color, and the progressive wing of Congress. DSA hopes to build a peace movement that stands for justice for the victims of September 11th and recognizes the importance of combating terrorism of all stripes, including that supported by or organized by our government’s own covert operations. The peace movement, as the ineffectiveness of the administration’s military tactics becomes apparent, can begin to operate within mainstream American politics.

We will participate, with others, in broad educational campaigns and protests consistent with our values on the issues of terrorism and the response to it.

No discussion of inequality in our domestic economy or the widespread poverty in the developing world can avoid the globalization debate. DSA will continue to actively participate in social movements to democratize control of the global economy. Our ties to transnational movements of opposition to corporate globalization and to socialist parties and left trade union confederations central to such struggles provide DSA with the ability to make a unique contribution to these campaigns.

We will continue our opposition to those trade and investment agreements that structure the global economy in the interests of global corporations, especially those that restrict or deny international human, environmental, and labor rights.

An anti-racist and feminist politics and analysis will be integral to all of DSA’s educational and activist work outlined in the priorities above. A truly democratic socialist politics must combat the social structures of racism, sexism, class domination, and homophobia that construct institutional oppression. It must demand social and economic justice for all, now.

In pursuit of justice, multi-racial and anti-racism politics shall become a priority in our work. Agendas in the organization should consistently include the issues of communities of color. This calls for an immediate re-orientation of our practice toward multi-racial coalition building. We will consistently look for opportunities to work with activists in communities of color.

Building Capacity

We cannot change America without increasing our capacity to reach out to Americans. We are understaffed and under-financed. Changing this reality requires us to increase the level of our personal giving, increase our membership, design our political work in ways which are attractive to outside funding sources, and develop funding streams which can be used to support local and commission work as well as build our national capacity. Toward that end this Convention endorses:

• Re-directing the bulk of income from new memberships attained through local activity to Locals and Commissions

• Setting $50 month as a national standard of “sustaining members,” the revenue from which is to be shared between the National Office and Locals and Commissions.

• Charging a Local Development Committee of both NPC and non-NPC members with devising by the May-June 2002 NPC meeting, a plan for building and rebuilding locals.

• Providing locals regularly with current membership lists, literature and materials.

• As feasible, providing locals with news of DSA speakers in their area, use of bulk mail permit, and administrative support.

• Charging an At-Large Development Committee of both NPC and non-NPC members with devising, by the May-June 2002 NPC meeting, a plan for recruiting and involving at-large members.

The most glaring symbol of our organizational weakness has been our continuing inability to get our publication to our members in a timely way. While the NPC has significantly increased the quality of the publication, the absence of regular quarterly production has gone on for several years under several different staffing configurations. Thus,

• This convention directs the staff and incoming NPC to make a timely, quarterly Democratic Left among its highest organizational priorities. The DL Committee will, at its first meeting set production deadlines and timelines for the process for the next two years. The National Director shall appoint a staff person to ensure adherence to this schedule.

Modern Communication requires an effective web site. Important steps have been taken in the last two years, but the organization must improve its ability to develop and post appropriate political and organizational materials, relevant to the political work we are doing on a regular basis. Thus,

• The NPC shall develop and implement a plan to update the web site on at least a biweekly basis by the time of our next convention.

Refreshing our infrastructure

The key to building capacity is to expand and develop our leadership and activist infrastructure. The Future Search Retreat was a good beginning. There are limits to what can be accomplished in national meetings. Thus,

• In 2002 DSA shall hold three regional retreats that shall function as our national activist conference. East Coast, Midwest and West Coast retreats will be organized, focusing on developing common political work, political education, and skills building.

• A national meeting of DSA labor activists may be organized in conjunction with one of these retreats, should a new labor commission deem that advisable. These meetings will be supported and assisted by the national organization.

Continuing support for Young Democratic Socialists, DSA’s Youth Section, is also an important element in building our capacity.

Conclusion

By our next convention if we carry out these priorities skillfully; do not allow ourselves to be divided or deterred; and if we successfully increase the resources available to support our work, our organization will be larger and more effective and be able to support a larger staff better able to carry out its political, activist, and organizational agenda.

Resolution on Internet Enabling DSA

Whereas the growth of DSA requires the active, informed involvement of as many members as possible; whereas about half do not live in areas with functioning locals; whereas conventions meet only once every two years; and whereas time or money can limit participation in either conventions or locals, it is in the interest of the organization to provide other mechanisms for people to be informed, involved, and in touch with each other.

Therefore, be it resolved that DSA shall, to the fullest extent technically and financially possible,

1) make all information that would be available to a member in person in the office available by email, the web, and other internet technologies as technically feasible;

2) make all national organizational rules, procedures, minutes and resolutions available in reasonable time over the internet, excepting those matters that would not be available on a walk-in basis;

3) make such materials available without the need to request them; e.g., they should appear as web pages;

4) distribute organizational news, action alerts and event announcements via email, on a timely basis, to members who sign up for it;

5) provide and publicize one or more discussion forums which permit members to communicate electronically with other interested members. These may, but need not, be limited to current members. They may, but need not, have limitations on the form or content of the messages;

6) make reasonable effort to accommodate those who are not on the internet, such as sending periodic surface mails with the internet traffic. DSA may, but need not, charge for such a service.

7) make information and services available to members even if the policy is to exclude non-members and it is technically difficult to implement such a policy. No security is perfect.

Resolution on Commissions

The work of the Commissions is central to the strategy of DSA.

The primary functions of a Commission are to provide a venue in which members and sympathizers of DSA active on particular issues can develop DSA’s analysis of the issue in question, educate such members and sympathizers in that analysis, and to educate such members and sympathizers in the relationships between their particular concern and other issues and activities of interest to DSA and the progressive movement in general.

To those ends, each Commission should strive to provide, as far as it is able, (1) a web presence, (2) an e-mail discussion list for activists working on the issue in question, (3) a newsletter discussing DSA’s analysis of that issue and its relationship to other issues and activities, and (4) periodic opportunities for DSA members and sympathizers to come together for educational and social purposes.

Other Actions

The National Convention referred the following resolution to the National Political Committee with the direction that they prepare it for discussion at the 2002 Activist Conferences, prepare a resolution for the 2003 Convention and circulate that resolution to the membership at least three months prior to the Convention.

Resolution on a Mission Statement

Whereas, in recent years DSA as an organization has been hampered by a lack of a concise statement of its role and purpose,

And whereas such a statement will help DSA’s elected leadership, staff, and members know where to focus their efforts,

BE IT RESOLVED that DSA adopts the following as the organization’s mission statement:

Democratic Socialists of America’s mission is to establish democratic socialism as a political force in the United States and around the world by training and mobilizing socialist activists to participate in a vibrant and diverse socialist organization at both the local and national level. DSA both educates the public about democratic socialist values and policies, and builds progressive coalitions to win victories that move the US and the world toward social democracy. In the near term, democratic socialists struggle for reforms that shift power and resources away from corporate elites and put them in the hands of ordinary citizens. In the long term, democratic socialists fight for a world in which all people share equally in the governing of the economic, political and cultural institutions and relationships that shape their lives.

Women’s Caucus Statement on Afghanistan

The Women’s Caucus of DSA was convened on an emergency basis on November 11, 2001 as a response to the significant concern of sexism and male domination in DSA that has affected women members’ abilities to participate on a particular political question in the organization. The reporting committee that was entrusted with bringing the main motion concerning DSA’s position on the war in Afghanistan has been a space in which the voices of women have been disregarded, silenced, and treated with a level of disrespect inappropriate to a socialist organization that claims to encompass feminist principles.

In order to bring the political perspective of DSA women to the committee of the whole, the convention, on the question of military intervention in Afghanistan, we have organized amongst ourselves to resolve the following:

(1) That we oppose military intervention in Afghanistan. Even assuming that an intervention carefully targeted against elements of the Al-Qaeda network in Afghanistan and against the military forces of the Taliban government that has supported them was possible and could have been effective, it is clear by now that this is not what is happening. Instead a month-long bombing campaign has already resulted directly in the loss of possibly thousands of lives in “collateral damage”. This war has shown that it will not bring justice to the victims of September 11, prevent future acts of terrorism, bring peace and stability to the Middle East, nor promote economic or social equality.

(2) That while we condemn terrorism and the attacks of September 11 as vicious crimes, we reject a “just war” paradigm as a framework for analysis. We affirm our feminist, anti-racist, anti-imperialist, and socialist analysis that is rooted in historical and geographic specificity and is the foundation of the ideals of our organization.

(3) That we assert that DSA must, in good faith, be active in the anti-war movement that is still taking shape around America, for the purpose of supporting feminist, anti-racist, anti-imperialist, and socialist analysis within that movement.

(4) That, as feminists, we see the humanitarian crisis (and the bombing of Afghanistan) as a situation that will disproportionately affect the women and children, who have already greatly suffered under the Taliban regime, as demonstrated by the bombing and sanctions in Iraq.

(5) That we staunchly oppose the US government’s program of nation-building that would seem to be directed at replacing one misogynist, fundamentalist, and unelected regime in Afghanistan with another, in the interests of our imperialist government, and, to some extent, under the pretense of the liberation of the women of Afghanistan.

(6) That we see US foreign policy and global capitalism as significant causes of this instance of terrorism. We therefore assert that the only legitimate means for preventing future acts of a similar nature is to address the inequities that these policies have created in the Middle East.