Bayard Rustin And The 1963 March On Washington

This summer marks the 50th anniversary of the 1963 March on Washington.  Elementary and high school pupils study the march in class.  It ranks with the Boston Tea Party as that rare example of mass protest that is praised rather than deplored.  Largely because of the compelling oratory of Dr. Martin Luther King, Jr. on the steps of the Lincoln Memorial, it has become an iconic event in U.S. history.  How can Americans argue with rhetoric celebrating a dream of freedom?

                                                                                                                                 rustin.jpg

 

Behind this mainstream appropriation of the march, however, lies a more complicated history, both bracing and sobering. It’s a tale of how radicals on the Left conceived and brought to fruition a mass action premised upon coalition building and multi-issue organizing.  The story of the march is an example of how those on the Left – in this case, a democratic socialist Left – have played a key role at critical junctures in U.S. history and how difficult it can be to build coalitions that remain loyal to a progressive vision of change.

 At the center of the march, from conception to execution, was Bayard Rustin.  Rustin’s half-century career as an activist is at its heart an account of a multi-issue approach to social justice rooted in a socialist ethic.  A Quaker who embraced Gandhian non-violence, he worked for decades in a pacifist movement where he argued that peace would never come unless pacifists also espoused a politics of racial justice.  He pioneered direct action approaches to fighting racism, while also believing that racial equality would always prove illusory if economic resources remained concentrated among the few. 

 Rustin had been involved in the Young Communist League in the 1930s.  He broke with it, but in the 1960s had close ties with democratic socialists like Michael Harrington and David McReynolds. He always sought to integrate issues of economic justice into both the black freedom struggle and the peace movement.  Skilled though he was as an organizer, he also learned to lead without drawing attention to himself.  And as a gay man in the generation before gay liberation, he had to navigate carefully around the homophobia of the society and of some of his activist colleagues.

 The idea of a march first emerged in a conversation early in 1963 between Rustin and A. Philip Randolph. Another civil rights leader of socialist persuasion, Randolph was the head of the Brotherhood of Sleeping Car Porters, a union of African American railroad workers.  In the prospectus that Rustin drafted for the march, he wove issues of racial and economic justice together.  “The dynamic that has motivated Negroes . . . in their own struggle against racism may now be the catalyst which mobilizes all workers behind demands for a broad and fundamental program of economic justice,” he wrote.  His original plan envisioned two days of action that included not simply a march, but massive lobbying of Congress and civil disobedience as well.

 It wasn’t easy lining up mainstream civil rights organizations behind a “March for Jobs and Freedom.”  In fact, had it not been for the way that protests led by Dr. King in Birmingham provoked a shocking excess of white supremacist violence that spring, the march might not have materialized.  Rustin played upon the outrage and the upsurge of local activism that Birmingham provoked and lobbied hard to win support for the march.  By June, national civil rights organizations ranging from the Urban League and the NAACP to the Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee were on board.  And, true to his commitment to coalition, with Randolph’s help Rustin brought in national labor leaders and white religious leaders as well.

 Rustin believed firmly in a strategy of coalition building, but he also knew that coalition was not for the faint of heart.  As the coalition broadened, the initial vision of the mobilization narrowed.  It officially remained a “March for Jobs and Freedom” but jobs and economic justice now fell lower on the list of demands.  The original conception of a multi-event protest that included lobbying and civil disobedience was revised simply to include the march and a private meeting of organizational leaders with some members of Congress and the President.  Still, Rustin persevered.  He was confident that a peaceful mass protest would be transformative to those who attended.  It would make dramatically clear that they were part of something larger than themselves and energize them for further action.  And, he believed that a mass march in Washington would propel major civil rights legislation forward – and it did.

 The success of the march pushed Rustin into a national spotlight like never before.  He was on the cover of Life magazine, and central to Newsweek’s reporting on the march.  He now had a higher platform from which to argue for his core beliefs about what to fight for and how to do it.  As the forces of protest grew stronger and the Johnson administration surprised activists by vigorously pushing civil rights and voting rights legislation, Rustin argued that, for activists on the Left to succeed, they needed to engage the political system directly rather than simply remain protesters on the outside.  Protest, to Rustin, was a tactic flexibly deployed, not a strategy rigidly adhered to.  Yet, while those principles might have made sense to many activists of leftist persuasion in the wake of the March on Washington, by the time Lyndon Johnson was bombing North Vietnam and pouring troops into Southeast Asia two years later, they became suspect. 

 Rustin remained loyal to multi-issue coalition-style politics.  He worked later in the sixties to build support for a “Freedom Budget” to extend the initiatives of the War on Poverty.  He persuaded organizations like the NAACP, with a history of focusing sharply on racial discrimination, to make issues like the minimum wage part of their agenda.  His successes, including the March on Washington, make his career worth remembering in this anniversary year.  Rustin is a reminder of how some of the most creative thinking about movements for social and economic justice has come from those rooted in a socialist tradition.  And he is also a reminder that we always need to be thinking freshly in the changing circumstances that we constantly confront.

 EDITOR’S NOTE: The documentary film “Brother Outsider” is an excellent biography of Rustin.

 John D'Emilio is the author of Lost Prophet: The Life and Times of Bayard Rustin, a nonfiction finalist for the National Book Award.  He teaches gender and women's studies and history at the University of Illinois at Chicago.

Grassroots Fundraising: Paying for the Revolution (9pm Eastern)

June 23, 2017
· 46 rsvps

Are you new to socialist organizing? Or after many years do you still struggle, raising money from members when you need it but without a steady flow of income or budget to plan ahead? Are you afraid to tackle fundraising because it seems so daunting or you are uncomfortable asking people for money?

In this webinar, you will learn why fundraising is organizing, and how to do it – face to face, through fundraising events, and other ideas.

Join us for our latest organizing training for democratic socialist activists: DSA’s (Virtual) Little Red Schoolhouse.

Instructor:

  • Steve Max, DSA Vice Chair and one of the founders of the legendary community organizing school, The Midwest Academy

Training Details:

  1. Workshops are free for any DSA member in good standing.
  2. You need a computer with good internet access.
  3. Your computer must have preferably headphones or else speakers; you can speak thru a mic or use chat to "speak".
  4. If you have questions, contact Theresa Alt talt@igc.org.
  5. If you have very technical questions, contact Tony Schmitt schmittaj@gmail.com 608-355-6568.
  6. Participation requires that you register at least 21 hours in advance -- by midnight Thursday for Friday's webinar.

NOTE: This training is scheduled for 9:00pm Eastern Time (8pm Central, 7pm Mountain, 6pm Pacific, 5 pm Alaska, 3 pm Hawaii).

Data Security for DSA Members

June 27, 2017

Ack! I googled myself and didn't like what I found!

WHAT: A DSA Webinar about "Doxing"
WHEN: 9PM EST, 6PM PST

We're proud of our organizing, and chapter work is transparent for both political and practical reasons. However, there are basic precautions you can take in this time of rapid DSA growth to protect your privacy.

Key Wiki is a website that meticulously documents DSA activity and posts it for the world to see. If you're an active DSA member, likely your name is on their website. This is an example of "doxing".

As DSA becomes larger, more visible, and more powerful, we might expect that more websites like this will pop up, and more of our members' information might be posted publicly on the web.

Join a live webinar on Tuesday, June 27 with data security expert Alison Macrina, to learn:

  1. what is doxing? with examples and ways to prevent it
  2. how to keep your passwords strong and your data secure
  3. where to find your personal info on the internet and how to get it removed
  4. social media best practices for DSA organizers
  5. what to do if you've already been doxed

Zoom Link: https://zoom.us/j/9173276528

Call-in Info: +1 408 638 0968
Meeting ID: 917 327 6528

Film Discussion: Pride

September 10, 2017
· 11 rsvps

Join DSA members Eric Brasure and Brendan Hamill to discuss the British film Pride (2014). It’s 1984, British coal miners are on strike, and a group of gays and lesbians in London bring the queer community together to support the miners in their fight. Based on the true story of Lesbians and Gays Support the Miners. The film is available for rent on YouTube, Amazon, and iTunes. 8 ET/7 CT/6 MT/5 PT.

Film Discussion: Union Maids

September 24, 2017
· 8 rsvps

 

Join DSA member and labor historian Susan Hirsch in discussing Union Maids (1976). Nominated for an Academy Award, this documentary follows three Chicago labor organizers (Kate Hyndman, Stella Nowicki, and Sylvia Woods) active beginning in the 1930s. The filmmakers were members of the New American Movement (a precursor of DSA), and the late Vicki Starr (aka Stella Nowicki) was a longtime member of Chicago DSA and the Chicago Women's Liberation Union. It’s available free on YouTube, though sound quality is poor. 8ET/7CT/6MT/5PT.